Nigeria’s President Begins a Historic U.K. Visit

Despite their violent colonial past, the two nations have grown much closer in recent years.

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Nigeria’s President Begins a Historic U.K. Visit

Welcome to Foreign Policy’s Africa Brief.

The highlights this week: A large Nigerian delegation arrives in England to cement closer bilateral ties, President Denis Sassou Nguesso extends his 42-year rule in the Republic of the Congo, and Rwanda threatens to withdraw troops from counterterrorism operations in Mozambique.


Nigerian President Bola Ahmed Tinubu began a two-day historic state visit to the United Kingdom on Wednesday. King Charles III and Queen Camilla are hosting Tinubu and his wife, former Sen. Oluremi Tinubu, at Windsor Castle, marking the first formal visit by a Nigerian leader to the country since military ruler Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida’s trip nearly four decades ago.

The two nations share a violent colonial history, where Britain effectively looted and ran the country as a corporate enterprise, but have grown ever closer in recent years as Abuja seeks to cultivate stable and predictable alliances in the face of an increasingly erratic White House.

“I do not seek to offer words that dissolve the past, for no words can,” Charles said at a state banquet for Tinubu on Wednesday, adding that he hoped for a more optimistic future “worthy of those who bore the pains of the past.”

Recent military cooperation with the United States has also not yielded results in combating a toxic brew of security problems spurred by jihadists, criminal armed groups, and separatists.

At least 65 Nigerian soldiers were killed, and 300 civilians, including children, were abducted in a coordinated attack earlier this month on military bases in northeast Nigeria by the Islamic State West Africa Province. On Monday, suicide bombers targeted crowded areas in the northeast, including a hospital, killing at least 23 people; the army blamed suspected Islamist militants.

Some British lawmakers have called on Prime Minister Keir Starmer to confront Tinubu during the visit about alleged Christian persecution in Nigeria—a claim popularized by U.S. President Donald Trump that misrepresents the security situation in the country, where all faiths have been affected by rising violence.

Perhaps as counterpropaganda, Oluremi Tinubu, who is a Christian pastor, is slated to preach at services in London’s Lambeth Palace and meet with representatives of the Church of England.

The British government recently said that it wants to shift from a culture of “paternalism to a partnership of respect and equality” with African nations, in which it would no longer lecture African leaders on governance and move “from donor to investor.”

Both nations are looking to diversify trading partners amid Trump’s tariff threats. Already, the pair have close economic ties. The United Kingdom has long been one of the largest sources of capital inflows into Nigeria. Meanwhile, Nigeria has long supplied crude oil to its former colonizer, and last year, London’s exports of refined oil to Abuja increased by nearly 60 percent.

Tinubu’s visit comes at a crucial time, as Nigeria seeks foreign investment to develop its oil infrastructure and thereby safeguard its economy at a moment when war in Iran has sent oil markets spiraling. Fighting in the Middle East has effectively closed the Strait of Hormuz, a critical oil transport conduit, causing global oil prices to surge.

Nigeria recently suspended the issuance of new licenses for fuel imports for a second month in a row to prioritize domestic production from the Dangote Refinery, Africa’s largest refinery. Meanwhile, Foreign Minister Yusuf Tuggar has urged Gulf oil producers to invest in Nigeria as an alternative source to the Middle East.

As Africa’s largest oil producer, Nigeria could in theory benefit economically from rising global oil prices, but insecurity in the Niger Delta—where the country’s oil production is concentrated—and damaged pipelines have hindered its ability to produce enough crude oil both domestically and for export. It frequently misses its OPEC quota of 1.5 million barrels per day and does not currently have the capacity to fill the void created by the Iran war.

Tinubu’s government has repeatedly deployed troops to protect oil infrastructure in the Niger Delta, but some troops face allegations of engaging in oil theft. In the past, the United Kingdom has supported the Nigerian Navy to combat piracy and offshore oil theft in the Niger Delta, including with training for small-boat patrols, after deeming that the insecurity indirectly affected its own economy.

Now, Tinubu is looking to strengthen defense and surveillance cooperation with Britain to increase Nigeria’s ability to pump more oil and tackle a number of security issues, including jihadists in the north. Among Nigeria’s large delegation to England are ministers for defense, national intelligence, and minerals.

At the same time, Abuja is hoping to deepen bilateral investment in the fintech and creative industries. British fintech company Wise has been approved to operate in the country, while Nigerian banks are seeking to expand into London.

Creative collaboration between the two countries is becoming increasingly apparent. Iwájú, a 2024 animated Disney+ series set in a futuristic Lagos, was created by Kugali Media, a pan-African British-based firm. And Nigerian film My Father’s Shadow, which received a Caméra d’Or Special Mention at Cannes and won Outstanding Debut at the 2026 British Academy Film Awards, was financed by U.K. institutions.


Wednesday, March 18, to Thursday, March 19: King Charles III hosts Nigerian President Bola Tinubu on a state visit to the United Kingdom.


Republic of the Congo elections. President Denis Sassou Nguesso secured reelection on Sunday in the Republic of the Congo with 94.8 percent of the vote, according to state authorities, extending his nearly 42-year rule.

Sassou seized power in 1979 and has ruled continuously since, except for a five-year period beginning in 1992. Last weekend, he ran for a fifth consecutive term against six lesser-known opposition candidates; his biggest challengers have either been jailed or are living in exile.

Nguesso campaigned on accelerating development projects and expanding education access. However, many analysts regard the ballot as a tick-box exercise. The country’s economy largely depends on oil revenue that has not trickled down to ordinary citizens. Nearly half of Congo’s 6.1 million people live in poverty, and the youth unemployment rate is more than 40 percent.

Kenya-Russia ties. Kenyan Foreign Minister Musalia Mudavadi said on Monday that Russia would stop recruiting Kenyan nationals to fight its war in Ukraine at a joint press conference with his Russian counterpart, Sergey Lavrov.

Lavrov did not comment on the deal but said that all foreign fighters had voluntarily signed contracts “in full compliance with Russian law.”

Africans with no military background have been lured to Russia under false promises of civilian jobs and sent to the front line in Ukraine, where hundreds of people from 36 African nations are fighting for Moscow. A Kenyan intelligence report in February found more than 1,000 Kenyans numbered among them.

Rwandan troop exit? Rwanda has threatened to withdraw its troops from counterterrorism operations in Mozambique’s natural gas-rich Cabo Delgado province if sustainable international funding is not secured. Currently, the European Union’s financial support for Rwandan troops in Mozambique expires in May, with no plans for an extension.

French energy giant TotalEnergies is developing a $20 billion liquefied natural gas project in Cabo Delgado. The project is supported by a $5 billion loan from the U.S. Export-Import Bank approved by the Trump administration, and operations restarted in January after pausing in 2021 due to a deadly insurgent attack linked to the Islamic State. A Rwandan troop withdrawal could leave the project dangerously exposed again.

Rwanda appears to be using its operations in Mozambique as leverage over U.S. sanctions. Washington imposed sanctions ‌on the Rwandan military and four of its senior commanders earlier this month, accusing them of backing the M23 rebel insurgency in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, after a Washington-brokered peace deal broke down.

“We didn’t pay hundreds of millions of dollars and our [Rwandan Defense Force] soldiers didn’t pay the ultimate sacrifice to stabilize this region … just to see our valiant soldiers being constantly questioned, vilified, criticised, blamed or sanctioned by the very countries that greatly benefit from our intervention,” Rwandan Foreign Minister Olivier Nduhungirehe wrote on X on Saturday.

Congo mining scheme. Last week, Dutch prosecutors fined Fleurette Properties, a Netherlands-based company owned by U.S.-sanctioned Israeli billionaire Dan Gertler, around $30 million, following an eight-year corruption investigation into mining deals in Congo.

Dutch authorities found the company guilty of securing valuable mining licenses in Congo through bribery.


  • The Economic Costs of the Iran War, by the Numbers by Maxine Davey and Eli Wizevich

  • Egypt’s online trolls. Egyptian media outlets are failing to protect female journalists from online abuse and sexual harassment, forcing many to leave the profession, Asmaa Fathy writes for Arab Reporters for Investigative Journalism.

    “[T]here is no policy of protection, either in the media organizations where they work or from the Egyptian Journalists’ Syndicate,” Fathy writes, adding that “there is an institutional culture that sidelines whistleblowers instead of holding to account those guilty of abuse.”

    Ghana’s slow poisoning. Illegal gold mining, known locally as galamsey, is creating a severe public health crisis in Ghana, as it has poisoned the country’s rivers, soil, and food with toxic metals and chemicals. But the Ghanaian government and media outlets are not treating this as a genuine emergency, Adwoa A. Fofie argues in Africa Is a Country.

    “The rapaciousness of galamsey, the complicity of the media, the involvement of the political elite, independent mining corporations, including the Chinese, compounded with poverty, makes it the most potent form of ecological violence and a direct threat to Ghana’s food system,” Fofie writes.

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